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Near Commonwealth House (HQ of the Games) – just in case anyone goes hungry

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Islay McLeod

Should we go wild

at the ballot box

a fortnight today?

Walter Humes

Concern has been expressed about the likely turnout at the Scottish local government elections on 3 May. Despite de-coupling them from the elections to the Scottish Parliament (and so avoiding the fiasco of 2007), and notwithstanding an extensive publicity campaign to explain the single transferable voting system, all the major parties have been worried that voters will opt to stay at home or go to the pub rather than the polling station.

     Well they might worry, because the depth of disillusionment with politics and politicians is so great that even citizens who take their democratic responsibilities seriously feel a sense of despair at what is on offer. They survey the main contenders and find them all seriously wanting: a Labour Party that has often betrayed the working people it claims to represent; a Conservative Party that still lacks credibility despite the election of a youthful new leader; Liberal Democrats who have become tainted by the compromises of the coalition agreement with the Tories at Westminster; and a Scottish National Party that, at local government level, shows every sign of operating in much the same way as Labour (the same in-fighting, the same minor scandals).
     The SNP is, of course, expected to make gains at the expense of Labour and has set its sights on taking over control of Glasgow City Council. There is no doubt that the case for change here is strong, and indications are that many Glaswegians have simply had enough of the arrogance of power demonstrated by successive Labour administrations. Their bitter internal blood-letting, jettisoning ‘dead wood’ councillors in an attempt to present an acceptable face of whatever it is they now purport to stand for – it is certainly not socialism – has merely strengthened the impression of a party that has lost its way. Many voters who would not necessarily call themselves nationalists are likely to vote SNP as a tactical manoeuvre to rid the city of councillors who, too often, have put their own interests above those of their constituents.
     In other parts of the country, however, the tactical option is less clear-cut since there is not the same stark choice between two main parties: in fact, the results of 2007 meant that there was no overall control in most local authorities, requiring hastily cobbled coalitions to be formed (which, in a few cases, soon broke down). Here, for some, national perceptions may be as important as local issues. Johann Lamont, Ruth Davidson and Willie Rennie have all failed to make much of a mark. Alex Salmond is widely regarded as by far the most astute Scottish political leader but he is also seen, including by some members of his own party, as showing disturbing signs of an inexorable drift towards folie de grandeur. He would do well to remember that Scots have a tendency to turn against those, however talented, who get above themselves.

The relationship between councillors and officials has not always
been healthy, encouraging a degree of scepticism about how certain
senior appointments have been arrived at.

     So are there any other ways in which electors can signal their disenchantment with the political establishment? In most (but not all) wards there are candidates standing for minority or fringe parties – the Greens, UKIP, the Scottish Christian Party, the Scottish Socialist Party, the All Scotland Pensioners Party, the Anti-Cuts Coalition. There are also a fair number of independents, by no means all of whom are closet Conservatives who dare not speak their name. It would be possible for voters to place minority or fringe candidates as their first and (perhaps) second choices and carefully refrain from indicating any preference at all for the main parties. Even if only a few of the minority/fringe candidates were elected this time round, it would demonstrate the potential of voter revolt and perhaps pave the way for a more far-reaching revolution next time.
     The prospect of injecting some new blood into local councils, at the same time conveying disapproval of the old guard, would be salutary and could stimulate more widespread civic activism, in which ordinary folk begin to realise that they need not remain passive in the face of complacency, incompetence and tired PR rhetoric. The act of rebellion would not represent an unqualified endorsement of the policies of the minority/fringe parties, merely a signal that the mainstream parties had forfeited public trust.
     There would, it should be acknowledged, be a downside to this. Inexperienced councillors might, at least in the short term, find that they had to rely rather heavily on permanent council officials. The relationship between councillors and officials has not always been healthy, encouraging a degree of scepticism about how certain senior appointments have been arrived at. Some officials would perhaps continue to feel allegiance to the practices of the old regime and would resist attempts at reform. To effect a real change in local government culture – something that is desperately needed – would require sustained effort over a period of time. But a start has to be made somewhere and a few ‘wild card’ councillors might be the launch pad that is needed.
     Is this really likely to happen? Maybe not, but the idea is worth floating if it encourages folk to think of other possible ways of beginning to alter the political landscape of Scotland. The dire quality of many local councillors in the past, some of whom have gone on to occupy seats at Holyrood, is one of the reasons why debates in the Scottish Parliament have often lacked the necessary intelligence and vision to engage public interest and commitment. Should independence come to pass, we will need a much higher calibre of local and national politicians than we have at present, if the country is to flourish.

Walter Humes held professorships at the universities of Aberdeen, Strathclyde and West of Scotland and is now a visiting professor of education at the University of Stirling