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The leadership class

in the UK has forfeited

its moral authority

Walter Humes

A nation that begins to lose its constituent parts is, almost by definition,
in a state of decline. But there are deeper issues at stake than constitutional and structural ones, and these too affect Scotland as much as other parts
of the United Kingdom.

     A sure indicator of decline in a nation is its increasing reliance on symbolic expressions of self-esteem: these are used to deflect attention from uncomfortable realities and to shore up the amour propre of those at the top. Thus huge importance is attached to royal events, such as the marriage of William and Kate and the Queen’s diamond jubilee. Likewise, we have had endless publicity puffs about the Olympic Games which have been presented both as the ‘London’ Olympics and as an event that will benefit the UK as a whole. As for its ‘legacy’, the only certainty is that some people will make money out of it.
     Would an independent Scotland manage to separate itself successfully from the decline of the UK as a whole? That is certainly the hope that inspires many people, perhaps particularly the young. History teaches us that hope for something better can indeed sustain a nation through hard times. If the referendum vote is in favour of independence, it is likely that there would be a period of euphoria in the short term, with ambitious plans for economic, environmental and social regeneration, and much upbeat ‘feel good’ rhetoric about the years ahead. But Scotland would continue to face many of the same problems that the UK has so often failed to address, never mind resolve.
     The quality and integrity of its MSPs would not change overnight. The economy would be subject to the same global pressures as before, particularly those deriving from the big multinational companies, some of which now possess more power than nation states. The run-down town centres and grim social housing could not be transformed by will alone. And many of the key players who bear some responsibility for the state we are in – whether in financial services, business, the professions or public sector organisations – would still be around and keen to ensure that they did not lose out in the transition. Deals would be struck, compromises made, assurances given.
     UK politicians were slow to understand the popular appeal of Alex Salmond and the extent of Scottish alienation from the attitudes and values of the south-east of England. If Scotland does break away, it may have serious implications for Northern Ireland, Wales and the North of England. A nation that begins to lose its constituent parts is, almost by definition, in a state of decline. But there are deeper issues at stake than constitutional and structural ones, and these too affect Scotland as much as other parts of the United Kingdom.
     There is a pervasive loss of respect for many of the institutions that are supposed to uphold the principles of good government and civil society, and revulsion at many of the practices that are now standard in both the public and the private sectors. Quite simply, the leadership class in the UK has forfeited whatever moral authority it may once have had. Political reform on its own will not be enough to reverse this trend.

Walter Humes held professorships at the universities of Aberdeen, Strathclyde and West of Scotland and is now a visiting professor of education at the University of Stirling